Belonging Speech Essay Example for Free

Belonging Speech Essay This is reflected through the anthology, â€Å"Immigrant chronicle† written by the Australian-Polish poet, Peter Skrzynecki. Through his knowledge but mainly his own experiences, Skrzynecki conveys the difficulties of belonging, not belonging and the barriers which prevent belonging. He has shown us how valuable a sense of belonging is to a foreigner, as it can emotionally alienate you from your family as w ell as battling to keep up with the forever changing society, famously remembered in the poem ‘Feliks Skrzynecki’. Similarly, in the dystopian novel â€Å"A clockwork orange† written by the English author Anthony Burgess, Alex is a criminal who doesn’t belong anywhere within society. Moreover, the two thousand and three children’s Pixar film â€Å"Finding Nemo† directed by the American, Andrew Stanton, shows the emotional discomfort of the protagonist, Nemo when he is captured and fretful Marlin as he incautiously journeys through the unknown waters to find his son. As we’ve noticed the notions of belonging and what it can provide us emotionally, the eulogy ‘Feliks Skrzynecki’ depicts the dissatisfaction of not belonging. Although the very first line of the poem, â€Å"my gentle father† shows a sign of acceptance and admiration of his father, Skrzynecki’s overall statement shows resentment, dissatisfaction and alienation, â€Å"Watched me pegging my tents further and further south of Hadrians Wall†, Hadrians Wall used as a symbol comparing the differences of his culture and heritage with his father. Likewise the poem ’Migrant hostel’ was written in Parkes, 1949-51, which happened to be during the time of ‘White Australia’ policy. The fact Skrzynecki wrote this poem in ‘Parkes’ he was only further alienating him from where he is and it creates a barrier to society which can damage him emotionally. The first stanza Skrzynecki expresses isolation, dehumanisation, uncertainty and curiosity. That was the environment Skrzynecki lived in for two years. â€Å"Like a homing pigeon† Skrzynecki lived in the chaotic hostel crossing paths with the people he shared a room with. The hostel became a place for everyone to rest which formed a sense of belonging as the reason why they are there together was driven â€Å"By memories of hunger and hate†. To belong is to form a connection which will allow a sense of identity, without this we inevitably lose our humanity, individuality, and the sense of freedom. This notion is elaborated within the novel, A Clockwork Orange, where the government attempts to suppress his criminality by physically preventing him from thinking of violence, making him conform to their standards. Equally, this conception is portrayed in the poem, ‘St Patricks College’. St Patricks College referred to as a microcosm of Alex’s futuristic city of London. Skrzynecki’s ironic imagery of â€Å"Our lady watched with outstretched arms, her face covered with clouds† and later our lady still â€Å"watching above unchanged by 8 years weather† not only questions the stability of concrete statues but imitates the similar involvements of Alex and the governments projects. This restricts Skrzyneckis potential to find a sense of identity as he is held in by Mother Mary with â€Å"outstretched arms†. Similarly, Alex unknowingly got brainwashed and lost his identity, resulting with Alex revolving into a ‘Clockwork Orange’. The loss of identity and individuality in both the novel and poem reinforces the impact a sense of not belonging can have on any human being. Finding Nemo is a complete portrayal of belonging and the fulfilment of emotional needs. The movie started off with a long shot, the whole scene capturing a sense of familial belonging between mother and father, very touchy, whilst looking lovingly over their eggs. After the incident with the barracuda, Marlin’s been scarred for life and becomes obsessed with protecting his surviving son Nemo from physical danger, immediately forming a sense of unity. Similarly, a dark and foreboding representation of a blockage for Marlin, the fish on the rock perhaps a symbol for his fears of what happened to Nemo. This representation is strengthened by the distant camera shot reflecting on Marlins detached connection with Nemo. A mixture of the notion of belonging and the act of over protection may lead to major conflicts and disagreements as the connections with whom you belong to continues to progress. This may result in defiance and the consequence can be much more unexpected than usual. Likewise, when Marlin appears and distrustfully gets in Nemos face or even approaching open water, he insults his son by once again denigrating Nemo’s swimming abilities. Nemo defiantly swims out to the â€Å"butt† and promptly slaps his fin on the boat after he’s been told by his father â€Å"If you put one fin on that boat†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . Nemo soon after realises his rebellious act was yet to be paid for as he get scooped up by a scuba diver and placed in a dentist’s fish tank. When Nemo and Marlin reunited, Marlin is given a second chance at parenthood. He allows more space, freedom, trust and respect, in return Marlin receives Nemo’s trust, forgiveness and love. We have noticed how a sense of belonging can fulfil such deep emotions, along with the ability of curing a damaged connection. Ultimately, a method to fulfil ones emotional needs can be achieved through a sense of belonging. This is shown in the anthology, â€Å"Immigrant Chronicle† written by Peter Skrzynecki, which highlights the significance of belonging. Likewise, the text â€Å"Clockwork Orange† written by Anthony Burgess depicts similar aspects of not belonging. Finally, the Pixar film â€Å"Finding Nemo† directed by Andrew Stanton portrays the different a possibilities that may come with defiance of experience, trust and belonging.

cold sassy tree :: essays research papers

Rising Action: 1. Grandpa finds a wife who will live with him for his final days. Mary Lou seems to not like Mrs. Love Simpson living with her father but keeps quite about her disliking. 2. After the wedding, Mrs. Love Simpson has an unexpected visitor carrying an expensive saddle covered in gold and silver pieces. He finds Mrs. Love Simpson and with out saying a word, proceeds to kiss her in a passionate way. A grandpa walk in the door to find them standing in the room with lips interlocked, but doesn’t seem to get mad. He introduces himself like he would any other person. Later they find out he was one of Mrs. Love Simpson’s old boyfriends. 3. When the newly weds come home from a short trip from Atlanta, they are seen riding in a brand new Cadillac. They are now the proud new owners of the first car in Cold Sassy. Then soon decide to turn part of the store into a car dealership to sell more cars to the wealthy people of the town. 4. William is now closer to Grandpa then ever before, but he can’t help but seem like Grandpa is doing something wrong by marrying Mrs. Love Simpson. Along with the rest of the family and town. Climax: 5. It seems that the family has more problems then the rest of the town can ever imagine. Thorton is soon found dead in his own kitchen. William finds a suicide letter to Mary Lou in the bedroom next to the bed. He reads the letter and sees that Thorton did indeed commit suicide, but for reasons that he guesses he cant even find the words for it it’s so awful. The family is devastated but goes on with life. Falling Action: 6. Mrs. Love Simpson can’t help but feel to blame for this unfortunate turn of events and asks Grandpa for a divorce so she can leave and get away from the watchful eye of the town.

Democracy in Nigeria Essay

By May 2009, Nigeria’s nascent democracy should have been a decade. Thus, the thrust of this paper is an in depth analysis of the possibility of sustaining democratic values beyond any sudden reversal. The. paper however, takes a cursory look at the daunting challenges ahead and infers that unless the government increases social expenditure and truncate the current brazen corruption, the hope of democratic consolidation may eventually be a mirage. Key words: democracy, nascent, corruption, state law and order As rightly collated by Decalo1, the events in Africa took scholars by surprise, since most doubted Africa could move towards democracy. Even in the mid-1980’s, one argued that by reason of their poverty or the violence of their politics, African states were unlikely to move in a democratic direction. Another adding that â€Å"to have expected democracy to flourish would have been historical blindness†3, since ‘outside the core (industrialized states) democracy is a rarity, support for Tilly’s thesis ‘why Europe will not occur again – with a few exceptions, the limits of democratic development in the world may well have been reached4. However, despite the doubts and skepticisms openly expressed by scholars, Nigeria, like several other African countries, became democratic. On May 29, 1999 Nigeria became a ‘democratic’ state. Prior to 1999 political transition, Nigeria was under firm military autocracy and absolutism for close to 29 years (since 1966), when the military made their first incursion into Nigeria’s government and politics, following the collapse of the first republic5. It is vital to note that authoritarian governments were interrupted only by a brief period of civilian rule in the Second Republic (1979-1983)6. Thus, Nigeria’s march to constitutional democracy was a chequered one marked by anti-colonial struggles, crises, coups, counter-coups, and a thirty-month agonizing civil war between 1967 and 1970. So far, Nigeria has passed through several phases in her democratization bid viz: (a) era of colonial autocracy and absolutism, that is, period of formal colonialism till October 1st 1960, when the country gained ‘flag’ independence; (b) emergence of constitutional democracy – (1960-1966), (c) the return of military autocracy and absolutism – (1966-1979); (d) restoration of constitutional democracy – (1979-1983); and (e) the second coming of military autocracy and absolutism – (1983-1989) . 7 Since 1989, that Nwabueze made that observation, the polity has added more phases to her democratization bid. With the inglorious ‘stepping aside’ of General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration in 1993, an Interim National Government (ING) was put in place, headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, handpicked by an unelected military President (General Babangida), thereby making the ING suffer a serious legitimacy crisis ab initio6. The interim contraption collapsed after eighty-two days, following the declaration that it was illegal by a Lagos High Court in a suit instituted by the assumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election – Chief M.  K. 0. Abiola. Cashing-in on the court verdict, General Sani Abacha staged a coup d’etat, dissolved all the extant democratic structures retained by the ING, and once again, returned the country to a fiilJ blown military dictatorship. It was in this state of confusion that Gen. Abacha died in June 8,’ 1998 in a mysterious circumstance. Gen. Abdulsalam Abubakar, who took over after the demise of Gen. Abacha, who h ad a transition programme reputed to be the shortest in the annals of military-midwife political transitions in Nigeria. Eventually, barring all odds, Gen. Abubakar handed over the reins of government to Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (a retired general) in 1999. With the inauguration of Chief Obasanjo’s civilian administration in 1999, hopes were high once again that democracy would be sustained and consolidated. But alas, the military background of Chief Obasanjo became a serious liability on the system when the supposedly democratic government became a replica of dictatorship in its entire facet. By 2003, after the expiration of his first term, his administration conducted a general election, and handed over to itself. This election was generally perceived to have been massively rigged. 9 In 2007, at the expiration of his administration’s constitutionally mandated second term, another general election was conducted to usher in another civil government. This election was remarkable in a number of ways. First, it was after eight tumultuous years of democracy – the longest period since independence from the United Kingdom in I960. 0 Secondly, for the first time in the history of the country, there was a civilian-civilian transfer of power. It would have been even more remarkable if there had been a transfer of power from the ruling party to the opposition. † Meanwhile, the thrust of this paper is an indepth analysis of the major challenges facing the nascent democracy in Nigeria to prevent it from the threats of authoritarian repression or what David Beetham calls â€Å"reverse waves†. 2 It is to these anti-democratic forces that could lead to democratic reverse which had taken place in Mauritania recently via a military coup d’etat that we now turn to. (A) As I have argued elsewhere13, quantitative cross-national research on the economic determinants of democracy and democratization generally consistently reveals that a country’s level of economic development is associated positively and strongly with the extent to which the political systems manifest properties of democracy. There is, therefore, a two-way causal relationship between the economy and sustainable democracy; the state of the economy is the determinant of enduring democracy, but democracy is a key pre-requisite for sustainable economic transformation. The message is: ‘oroad-based economic prosperity sustains democracy, whereas widespread poverty and ignorance undermine it. To mimic President Clinton of U. S. when he was running for office in 1992, ‘it is the economy, full stop! ’14 No doubt. Nigeria is potentially Africa’s largest economy. Every year, the country produces over 200,000 graduates of tertiary institutions (including 65 universities), has the 6th largest gas reserves in the world, eighth largest oil producer (with abundant, but largely untapped natural resources – gold, limestone, among others), and with 60 percent of its arable land lying fallqw. In the words of Soludo (2005), Nigeria has also millions of its citizens in Diaspora (with estimated 100,000 Nigerian medical doctors and scientists abroad). Unfortunately, was not lucky in the first 40 years of its independence with sustained good political governance. In his perceptive public lecture, Charles Soludo, Nigeria’s Central Bank Governor,16 noted further that democracy has not been endured in Nigeria simply because the economic numbers did not add up; whereas, democracy and indeed any form of government must deliver tangible economic benefits to the generality of the citizenry to be credible and sustainable. In a seminal article on ‘What Makes Democracy Endure’, Prezeworski found the empirical evidence that: Once a country has a democratic regime; its level of economic development has a very strong effect on the probability that democracy will survive †¦ emocracy can be expected to last an average of about 8. 5 years in a country with per capita income under $2,000; 33 years between $2,000-$4,000 and 100 years between $4,000-$6,000 †¦ Above $6,000 democracies are to live forever. No democratic system has fallen in a country where per capita income exceeds $6,033. 17 Be that as it may, most African states have few economic potentials of any significance (many literally nothing) that could attract foreign risk capital, which is why entrepreneurs did not flock into them in the past, irrespective of ideology or level of democracy! And to rely on local capital to fuel development is to foredoom many to perpetual marginality. 18 Taking a cue from the same line of argument, Akintunde19, while rationalizing the reasons for the demise of democracy in the first republic, postulated that a democracy which is not founded upon a secure economic base is not likely to succeed because it lacks an essential condition of efficiency. It is unable to fulfill the expectations of its citizens; in the common parlance, it cannot deliver goods. So significant is the economic base that many people have surmised that even communist countries, as they become wealthier, will come to resemble western democracy more and more20. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, as in most of the developing countries, due largely to the poor economic base, the middle class is a very small minority of the population. Western democracy is, therefore, not securely founded because it lacks one of the essential ingredients of success – an influential middle class. This fact, which is sometimes a surprise to African leaders21, was well known to Aristotle more than two thousand years ago. According to Aristotle, ‘when democracies have no middle class and the poor are greatly superior in number, trouble ensues and they are speedily ruined’. The nexus between democracy and the strength of the economy reveals that those who are not rich usually confined to mere voting, political career thus become the privilege of those who are wealthy enough to afford the leisure to devote to politics in most western countries, until the advent of Trade Union M.  Ps. 23Thus, while blaming the politicians, it is worth repeating that, by embarking on western democracy on an inadequate economic base, the Fourth Republic was set on a death course, it was bound to be corrupt. 24 The same scenario is playing itself out in Nigeria presently. No doubt, it is a daunting task in the face of the aforementioned historical evidence to sustain democracy in an economy like Nigeria, where per capita income has been below the $1,000 mark. That, according to Prezeworsk25, poses a serious threat. Considering the nexus between democracy and the economy vis-a-vis the expectation of an average African, Claude Ake (of blessed memory) averred that: The ordinary people of Africa are supporting democracy as a second independence. This time they want independence not from the colonial masters, but from indigenous leaders. They want independence from leaders whose misrule has intensified their poverty and exploitation to the point of being life threatening. And they are convinced that they cannot now get material improvement without securing political empowerment and being better placed to bring public policy closer to social needs. [Nonetheless] democracy is being interpreted and supported in ways that defeat those aspirations and manifest no sensitivity to the social conditions of the ordinary people of Africa. Generally, the political elites who support democratization are those with no access to power and they invariably have no feeling for democratic values. They support democratization largely as a strategy of power†¦Ã‚  The people can (only) choose between oppressors and by the appearance of choice legitimize what is really their disempowerment. 26 In line with the above postulations, Jerry Gana (a one-time Information Minister) admitted, too, that: You know the mentality of our people. If democracy does not produce clean water, if democracy does not produce good roads, transform agriculture, cultivate industrial development, sanitise society, give us power supply, democracy will lose credibility and they may say, na democracy we go chop? 7 The caveat is that where democratic processes do not yield economic returns, a regression to dictatorship cannot be ruled out. This point is clearly stated by Larry Diamond thus: †¦ Many new democracies in Latin America, Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa will probably breakdown in the medium to long run unless they can reduce their often appalling levels of poverty, inequality, and social injustice, and through market oriented reforms lay the basis for sustainable growth. When this is juxtaposed with the admittance by the Central Bank in its 2008 firs’; quarter report released to the public29, the economy is in perpetual crisis. The Apex Bank attributed the high rate of inflation in the country to the erratic power supply. According to the report, the inflation rate on a year to year basis was 7. 8 percent, compared to 6. 6 percent and 5. 2 percent recorded in the preceding quarter and the corresponding period of 2007. The report noted further that inflation rate on a 12-month roving average basis for the first quarter was 5. 8 percent compared with 5. percent recorded in the preceding quarter. Indeed, nothing can be more soothing to the nation’s debilitating power crisis, largely fingered for stunting the economy, rendering it comatose and occasioning a declining industrial sector, whose capacity utilization nosedived to a paltry 20 percent by the end of 2006. Epileptic power supply, a very prohibitive business climate and in consistency in government policies, have combined to smother the country’s industrial sector leading to the closure of multinationals, like Michelin, Panalpina, and other notable firms. The shrinking of the textile sector from 170 in the 60s, 70s, and 80s to 10 in the 90s, also evinces the acute nature of the problem. The recent disclosure by the House of Representatives Committee on Power, which probed the power sector that the country now generates less than a pitiable 1,000 megawatts, makes mockery of the country’s vision of becoming one of the 20 largest and most resilient economies by 2020, compared to South Africa, a country of 42 million people, which generates over 42,000 megawatts. Much of Nigeria’s investment in the power sector has been enmeshed in corruption and enthralled in the lust of the political elite for primitive accumulation. 31 The concomitant effect of poor economy is lingering with the poverty problem. Nigeria’s poverty conundrum has assumed a frightening dimension. In the words of Dr. Magnus Kpakol, Senior Special Assistant to the President and National Coordinator of National Poverty Eradication Program, in a public lecture entitled â€Å"Poverty Solution: The Role of Government in Poverty Eradication† declared that: The number of poor Nigerians could be, put at an estimated figure of 70 million †¦ n 1980, the figure was 28. 1 million. 1985, 46. 3 million; 1992, 42. 7 million; 1996, 65. 6 million and 1999,70. 0 million, 2004,54. 4 million. 32 He gave the statistical breakdown along the six regional levels to be â€Å"North-East, 72. 2 percent; South-East, 26. 7 percent; South-South 31. 5 percent; South-West 43. 1 perc ent; North-Central 67. 0 percent; and North-West, 71. 2 percent†. 33 Undoubtedly, something must be wrong somewhere, for a critical official poverty statistics, which revealed that over half of Nigeria’s 150 million population are poor, is unexplainable going by the abundant human and material resources in the country. The economy was so gloomy that 2007/2008 United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP’s) Human Development Index (HDI) ratings placed Nigeria at 158th position out of 177 countries. 34 No doubt, democracy is endangered in Nigeria more than ever before. Poverty, want, and squalor are anti-democratic forces in the polity. The only exception is Indian democracy, which has long baffled theorists of democracy. Democratic theory holds that poverty, widespread illiteracy, and a deeply hierarchical social structure are inhospitable conditions for the functioning of democracy. But the historical novelty of Indian democracy was noted by Barrington Moore: Economically (India) remains in the pre-industrial age †¦ But as a political specie, it does belong to the modern world. At the time of Nehru’s death in 1964, political democracy had existed for seventeen years. If imperfect, the democracy was no more sham †¦ Political democracy may seem strange both in an Asian setting and one without an industrial revolution. 36 To avert recapitulation, my earlier work glaringly with empirical data proved the pathetic downslide of Nigeria’s economy over the years with the attendant threat to democratic sustenance. 7 Bruce Baker too in his perceptive piece emphasized much the strength of the economy and sustainable democracy. As a corollary to the aforementioned weak economy, the state, in terms of being weak or strong, matters to the study of threats to democracy both from within and without, as well as one of the common modes of failure of democracy and democratization. 39 Perhaps, the greatest manifestation of a weak state vis-avis sustainable democracy is that it cannot successfully administer a true and fair credible election which is the kernel of democracy. No doubt, one of the. fundamental problems that post-colonial African states are facing is that of how to sustain and consolidate democracy through credible elections. 40 In the whole continent of Africa, few states could lay claim to having genuinely conducted free and fair elections as universally perceived. Hence, election administration that will attain governmental legitimacy after polls has always been a serious concern to electoral scholars. 41 The reason for this is not far-fetched. It is well known that most new states in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are too weak for the assignment. This is why state capacity is one of the major prerequisites for democratic nurturing, sustenance, and consolidation. In the extant literature on democratization and state capacity generally, five elements are crucial to the strength of the state vis: (a) monopoly of the coercive power of society, that is, control of instrument of coercion; (b) the right to improve tax and collect revenue; (c) the power of legal enactment, that is, power to make laws; (d) sovereignty over territory and society; and (e) control of the institutions of the state or state apparatus, i. . bureaucracy. 42 These five elements taken together constitutes the basis of state power and they endow the state with the status of statehood. However, it needs be emphasized that nation states which qualify for the status of statehood may differ in their degree of stateness; some are strong states, and others are weak. No doubt, Nigeria falls into the category of weak or soft states. Like others in her category, Nigeria runs a system, one in which formal rules (laws, officially stated administrative rules and practices, etc. are applied copiously and in a lax manner rather than rigorously and consistently. It is one in which private advantage can be gained and private bargains struck concerning the enforcement or non-enforcement of the rules as when a businessman bribes a tax official. Besides money, another inducement is kinship sentiment while another is the favour of superiors. The consequential effect is that in several cases, individuals may be too powerful than the state in which the rule of law is abused with impunity. Cases of such were too numerous to be mentioned during the last Nigeria’s general elections in April 2007. 43 In a nutshell, the stronger the state in all ramifications, the better for deepening of democratic values in Nigeria. This can be achieved via the entrenchment of state institutions cum congruent political behaviour by the political elite. Perhaps the most crucial of all imperatives for the consolidation of Nigeria’s nascent democracy is the restructuring of the lopsided and structurally imbalance federal arrangement. As rightly noted by Emeka Anyaoku, former Secretary General of the Commonwealth: At the heart of the several conflicts plaguing the Nigerian state today is the consequence of the failure of the practice of true federalism. The power shift debate that characterized the politics of transition from military to civil rule and which has persisted several months after, rose largely out of the frustration of large segments of the population with the structure of the political system that has shut significant sections out of the corridors of power for most of the post-independence period. 4 With Nigeria being one of the most complex societies in Africa, federalism was adopted to integrate the plural and divided societies. This is in line with the perception of early generation of students of inter-group relations or plural societies, which considered federalism an effective way of achieving and preserving both integration and stability in deeply divided societies. Whenever events seemed to demand that a compromise is affected between the necessity for unity and cooperation on a wide territorial basis, â€Å"the temptation is to proffer catch all management formula, such as federalism .. >>45 This tendency to see federalism as a magic wand that can channel irreconcilable inter-ethnic hostility into conciliation and federal cooperation was subscribed to by Carnell, thus: â€Å"in tropical area characterized by extreme cultural and ethnic diversity †¦ federalism comes as something of a political panacea†. 4 In a nutshell, federalism is considered the most appropriate framework for governing multi-ethnic societies. However, recent events in Nigeria clearly demonstrate that the polity is far from being a federation, or alternatively as has been suggested, that Nigeria is not a true or real federation. 47 Since 1954, when the foundation of classical federation for Nigeria was laid,48 the system is still far from being problem-free. The story is that of both ‘political and governmental instability’. 49 Worst still, Nigeria’s ethnic make-up remains what Furnival calls â€Å"in the strictest sense a medley (of people) for they mix but do not combine†.

Money does not Bring Happiness - 938 Words

Do you know someone rich and famous? Is he confident, popular, and joyful all of the time—the epitome of mainstream success? Or, on the other hand, is he stressed, having second thoughts about his life choices, and unsure about the meaning of his life? I am willing to be that it is the second one. Mainstream marketing and media have effectively brainwashed our society into accepting a false, even potentially dangerous definition of success. Marketers want us to believe that having lots of money, living in a big house, and owning all of the latest cars, fashions, and technology is the key to happiness, and hence, success. This overstated, falsely advertised myth is hardly ever the case in real life. True success requires respect, appreciation, integrity, and patience—all of which are traits that by human nature are genuinely difficult to attain—especially in the face of modern marketers who relentlessly deceive us, control our thoughts, and usurp our independence in order to increase their bottom line. Marketers want us to believe that living a selfish life, involving nothing but the pursuit of money and fame will bring success and happiness. Sadly, this is not true. Money is comparable to the often-mentioned new toy—fun while it is brand new and fresh, but terribly boring and unexciting after a few hours of play. Though money can buy conveniences and comforts, one needs much more than superficial luxuries to live a successful, well-balanced life. Money does make lifeShow MoreRelatedDoes Money Bring Happiness?1338 Words   |  6 PagesDoes Money Bring Happiness? This often quoted phrase is so overused and jaded that even though we know that it is true, we tend to ignore it. We want to believe that there is an easy way out of being unhappy and believe me overcoming your emotions and teaching yourself to be happy can be more difficult that earning some bucks! All of us have at some point in time or another seen extremely rich, wealthy and famous people unhappier than what we would expect them to be, given the amount of materialRead MoreDoes Money Bring You Happiness?967 Words   |  4 Pages Does Money Bring You Happiness? How would be your life if you were a millionaire? I am completely sure; you would live in a deluxe villa in the center of the city. You won’t only be disquieted for your safety needs; but also, be able to meet your luxury needs. You would spend your holidays in best places in the world. If you have lots of money, you would provide the best facilities for your family and try to make a pleasant life for them. Money can solve almost all of our problems and help us forRead MoreEssay on Can Money Buy Happiness?1721 Words   |  7 PagesJanuary  24,  2015   Does  Money  Really  Bring  Happiness?      John  Locke  once  stated  that  all  men  have  the  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  property.  The   author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Benjamin  Franklin,  changed  this  statement  to  the   right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  People  have  the  constitutional  right  to  be   joyful  and  therefore  strive  for  it,  but  what  is  it  that  really  brings  people  glee?  Many  people   believe  that  the  answer  to  this  question  is  simply  money.  They  think  that  the  more  money  they  Read MoreMoney and Happiness1743 Words   |  7 PagesCan Money Buy Happiness In todays materialistic world, the phrase that ‘money cant buy happiness is tending to be proved hence otherwise. Social research and surveys have shown results based on an individuals income, health and the political scenario which is dominant in his or her region. It is quite obvious that the gap between the privileged and the not so is growing into a great divide giving rise to different class and status, thus defining ones social circle. It should therefore be understoodRead MoreMoney Can Buy Happiness1523 Words   |  7 PagesHappiness is a mental state of well-being characterized by positive emotions ranging from contentment to intense joy†. Notice that happiness is within the range of contentment to intense joy. Every single thing in the world which brings contentment or joy costs money and therefore, it is money which brings happiness. Nothing can be yours without money being spent either by the person experiencing this happiness, or by others spending money so that they can be happy. For example, even peopleRead MoreHappiness Essay745 Words   |  3 PagesHappiness is something that is wanted by almost everyone;people that are rich, and plebeians and some like to assert that they are happy. Everyone has a different way of experiencing happiness or getting happiness. While they try to get happiness even if it will be an ample amount of happiness, they try to avoid being aghast. Some people like clothing or electronics while some like relaxing at vacations where they can be around facetious people and enjoy themselves. Each individual person experiencesRead MoreMoney Can Buy You Happiness936 Words   |  4 PagesMany people say that money cant buy you happiness, well I don’t find that to be true. Having a large amount of money has become a dream in many peoples lives. Although money can buy you thing you wa nt to make you happy, happiness is only bought by the people you surround your self with. Many people are convinced that money can buy a person happiness, however most happiness comes from families and friends. Money can buy you happiness because, money can buy you security, stress free, healthcare, andRead MoreCan Money Buy Happiness?1324 Words   |  6 PagesCan money buy happiness? It’s a philosophical question that has been discussed for centuries and there is no simple answer. For example, Graham Hill in â€Å"Living with Less. A Lot Less† gives his input on this highly debated topic through a multitude of short anecdotes. She asked herself not if â€Å"Money can buy happiness,† but if money could â€Å"help buy happiness† (Rubin 293). She also brings up the idea of modest splurging and spending out as methods of using money to help one buy happiness. Rubin describesRead More`` Once Upon A Time, Is An Idealized Start Of A Truly Happy Ending1519 Wor ds   |  7 Pagesimage of what happiness truly is, but that’s not reality. Happiness can be expressed in many different ways. It’s anything that will bring positivity and light into to a person’s life, and puts a smile on their face. In the dictionary, happiness is defined as an indication of or is characterized by pleasure, contentment, or joy. Happiness can be expressed in various ways, two being self-discipline and physical activity, but people must remember that money does not buy this happiness. For one, self-disciplineRead MoreRelationship Between Wealth And Happiness1328 Words   |  6 PagesDoes wealth equal happiness? According to the novel Great Expectation by Charles Dickens, the correlation between wealth and happiness is debatable, depending on the person and their lifestyle. For example, Herbet viewed money as a blessing but not something that necessarily brings him happiness; however, for Pip he can never have enough money and it is his idea of happiness. Herbert was born wealthy so in his state of mind it is casual to have exceptional amount of money. When Pip transform to a